Opinion | Marginalization of Ethnic Ethiopians: assessing the past to confront the future

By Teshome M. Borago*

• "A substantial portion of Ethiopia's population is of mixed ethnic cannon" -- Dr. Samuel P. Huntington, Harvard University

Reading the quote above, one would expect that Dr. Samuel’s involvement in Ethiopia opposed the EPRDF-led Ethiopian government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi that promotes ethnic-federalism and ethnic politics today. But to the surprise of many, the quotation comes from one of the biggest supporters of Meles Zenawi in the 1990s named Dr. Samuel P. Huntington of Harvard University . The famous American political scientist Dr. Samuel Huntington visited Ethiopia after the Mengistu government was removed from power and he staunchly supported the ethnic federalism based system of the TPLF/EPRDF. Despite his friendship with Meles Zenawi, however, Dr. Samuel Huntington could not hide the danger Meles will face. Dr. Samuel gave a warning to the Ethiopian government about the threat of ethnically mixed majority population in Ethiopia. According to him, this would be the biggest long-term threat or challenge to the current ethnic-federalism experiment of the new government.

As expected, the Ethiopian government has since used its state institutions to actively marginalize and deny the rights of ethnically mixed Ethiopians the last twenty years. The genesis of this federal policy has its roots from national census of 1994 when many people remember stories of imprisonment and marginalization of mixed Ethiopians who rejected to choose one ethnic group as self-identification during the population counting process or the census. From Ethiopians with Sidama and Oromo heritage to Ethiopians with Amhara mother and Tigre father or Somali father and Gurage mother, several others with more than two or three ethnic heritages were incarcerated in the south, north, east and west parts of the country.

What was their crime?

Despite the ongoing marginalization of multi-ethnic Ethiopians by the one-ethnic organizations around the country, it remains true that multi-ethnic identities will in fact grow faster than any other group in our society and this is a big danger to the agenda of many organizations today. Even in the perilous ethno-political atmosphere that exists today, a person in Awassa or in Jimma town (who, for example, has an ethnic Sidama father and an Oromo mother) might never relate with his next door Oromo neighbor. But he would certainly relate culturally, historically, behaviorally and politically more with a person living in far away Mekele town who has a mixed Raya-Oromo and Tigre parents. Or that person will relate more with a Wollo person who has a mixed Amhara and Oromo parents. All of these have similar heritages and common destiny. This pattern is accurate for many different scenarios of multi-ethnic identities in every corners of Ethiopia .

I myself come from a mixed ancestry that goes back centuries. On my father side, I have Oromo and Welayta descent and on my mother side, it is even more complex and tangled since I have Oromo, Amhara and Tigrayan descent. As an “Ethnic Ethiopian” person, I sympathize with almost all political groups and organizations in Ethiopia. I have care for the concerns of the OLF and OFDM as well as for the fears of TPLF and UDJ. People like me identify ourselves as “Ethnic Ethiopians” and not as “ethnic Oromo” or “ethnic Amhara” etc. While most Ethnic Ethiopians like me sympathize with all people in the country, we also have our own interests and destiny. For example, a person with Oromo father and Gurage mother relates and shares a common descent, common fate and common heritage with another person who is a mixed of Welayta and Gurage, even if they live many kilometers apart. Such realities indicate the fallacy of the system of the current Ethiopian government which has forced all ethnically mixed people to choose only one of his or her multi-ethnic heritages. This fallacy which is applied in the current governing system not only violates the basic human rights of ethnically mixed people, but it is also used to "validate" the federal policy against individualism and against liberal democracy (which would flourish in a multi-cultural society that rejects extreme identity politics) and gives an excuse for the current federal policy of favoritism for "group rights" in Ethiopia.

Political, Social marginalization and repressed identification

The current makeup of a multi-ethnic society in Ethiopia has its foundations from many centuries ago when Semitic speaking northerners migrated to the south as the southerners migrated to the north and eastern Somalis immigrated to current day "Ogaden" region, all of them often in search of economic and commercial advantages or due to climatic and natural forces. While "Ethnic identity" has often included the recognition of, for example, a common religious characteristic, this has not been the case in almost all "ethnic groups" of Ethiopia . For example, both the Oromos (47% Suni-Islam, 30% Orthodox-Christian and 18% Protestant-Christian) and the Gurages (55% Orthodox-Christian, 40% Suni-Islam) lack the above shared and common identity. But both enjoy recognition as an "ethnic group" today while Ethnic Ethiopians are persecuted. As no one group deserves less recognition than another, it equally does not deserve less fair treatment and human rights.

But, there are many challenges and questions regarding human rights today. For example, in this era and inside the current restrictive system in the country, can "Ethnic Ethiopians" stand up for their rights? Here, knowing how other groups were created sheds some light.

It is important to realize that ethno-linguistic self-identifications like Amhara, Oromo, Somali etc are mostly modern inventions in Ethiopia . That is why we never find and don't read about "Kingdom of Somali", "Kingdom of Oromo," "Kingdom of Amhara" or other entities in the history books. Instead, we find " Kingdom of Jimma ", Kingdom of Shoa or Gondar , Gibe etc. These realities have been discussed before in many scholarly writings. Even after almost a century of ethnocentric political mobilization and despite current forceful federal imposition of the Ethiopian constitution created by the LFs like Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 1990s, some people in Ethiopian regions like Wollo, Arsi, Shoa, Welega, Gondar and others still refer to themselves in non-ethnic labels. So much so that it has remained very rare to find a person, for example in Gojjam region, to call himself or herself an "Amhara" or other ethnic self-label. Despite this tendency, several ethnic based political parties continue to enforce and utilize ethnic based politics and policies.

Therefore, one may ask, why were the current ethno-linguistic labels created? Such creations are not unique only to Ethiopia and many scientists have answered such questions globally and most see these ethnic labels as being a result of a combination of "instrumentalist approach" and what anthropologists call "Constructivism." These two approaches mainly suggest that the inventions and development of ethnic identities are often social construct and political strategies to achieve political objectives. While most ethno-linguistic groups do have natural common identities, another issue for elite supporters of ethnocentric political movements in Ethiopia has been the problem of the disappearing, reappearing and disappearing tendency of such ethnic labels through out history, which explains why most of today's ethnic labels did not even appear or exist many centuries ago.

One mistake those of us "Ethnic Ethiopians" make is we belittle recent ethnic based labels and one-ethnic based political movements, which in turn, helps to sustain our marginalization. Thus "Ethnic Ethiopians" continue to become victims of "ethnic Tigre ," "ethnic Amhara," "ethnic Oromo" and other ethnic groups in the Ethiopian state. This marginalization is similar to past experiences of Ethnic Oromos and other disadvantaged groups in our society. Professor Messay Kebede, for example, blamed Emperor Haile Selassie's failed policies ("imposition of the dominant Amhara culture") as the genesis of ethnic conflicts and ethnocentric political mobilization in Ethiopia . Emperor Haile Selassie (whose parents are said to be from the Amhara and Oromo ethnic groups) inserted his heritage in his nation-building policy that simultaneously tried to form a homogeneous population, instead of respecting diversity and heterogeneity. In some cases, the Emperor did not want to recognize the existence of some identities, like the Oromo language, which reflected his own identity development which picked, dropped or added features from all sides of his heritage, to create the person he ultimately became. And these bad decisions became his big failures and his undoing. Despite four decades having passed since the overthrow of the last Emperor, current day Ethiopia seems to make the same mistakes again and denies the existence of some peoples or fails to recognize them. One of these people who are unrecognized today is the mixed people or the “Ethnic Ethiopian” group.

While Ethiopia failed to recognize one-ethnic communities before 1991, it has also failed to recognize multi-ethnic communities after 1991. Today, the Ethiopian state is bending over backwards to please or to make the LFs like OLF, ONLF and TPLF happy, at the expense of the big elephant in the room, or mixed Ethnic Ethiopians. Thus, a rigid definition of ethnicity has replaced the fluid and overlapping historical accounts and events that brought all of us together to this region we call Ethiopia today. Even some Oromo scholars and supporters of one-ethnic politics like Dr. Merera Gudina admitted that groups like the Oromo do have multiple or "dual history," unlike the single and made-up history propped up by the LFs, for propaganda purpose. Nonetheless, divisive forms of ethnic politics continue to be promoted by the authorities in Addis Ababa today as well as by some opposition parties organized along ethnic lines.

These people fail to understand that Ethiopia is a multi-ethnic country, not only because there are peoples of different ethnic groups in every corner of the country, but also because a significant portion of Ethiopians have themselves inherited multi-ethnic blood and descent. Such multi-ethnic heritages date several decades back for some but millennia for others.  From the rural peasant to the market traders to high level officials, “Ethnic Ethiopians” have taken many positions as well as leadership roles in the state. It is no secret that even some of the most famous people in our country during the 21st century were “Ethnic Ethiopians.” For example, Poet Laureate Tsegay Gabre-Madhin, Olympian Abebe Bikila, Emperor Eyasu V, Emperor Haile Selassie and Judge Birtukan Mideksa, just to name a few, were all a mix of Oromo and other ethnic groups. Another well-known example is famous singer Tilahune Gessesse who was also "Ethnic Ethiopian," with lineage combinations of sub-ethnic Oromo and sub-ethnic Amhara.

Even Though the current system in Ethiopia is restrictive toward Ethnic Ethiopians, it is hard to ignore that our society also looks down upon Ethnic Ethiopians or those with ethnically mixed heritages. We have heard of many dismal stories. In some cases, people who publicly say they come from two or more ethnic backgrounds are often insulted or ridiculed and thus they are forced to choose only one side of their parents, one side of their history. Therefore, there is no one single entity to blame for the suppression and marginalization of Ethnic Ethiopians, as many are guilty directly or indirectly. Despite the oppression, the only way “Ethnic Ethiopians” can get equal representation and voice in the society is if the pride of such heritage is embraced and displayed in public. The new generation has to protect the basic rights of the masses and struggle to get equal rights in the political, cultural and social arena.

No matter how strong the hurdle, Ethnic Ethiopians can promote their identity proudly and possibly play a role in the society. Like mixed people many centuries ago controlled their own destiny, mixed people can potentially do the same today if they struggle collectively to achieve recognition. As even the high-profile recent marriages, like between the famous Olympian ethnic Oromo Kenenisa and the ethnic Tigre actress Danawit Gebre-egziabher, show the current one-ethnic based politics and federalism can not always stop our society from breaking ethnic barriers in the system, despite all odds. Ethnic Ethiopians should not be ashamed of their heritages and the society must continue to be challenged to become tolerant and accepting of such identities.

Future of Ethnic Ethiopians

Though “Ethnic Ethiopians” are the product of the modern Ethiopian state as well as the product of millennia old integration and assimilation in the horn of Africa, the future of Ethnic Ethiopians can become bleak compared to the future of Ethnic Amharas or Ethnic Oromos etc.

Ethiopia is one of the most ethnically mixed society in the world. Though the exact total population number of mixed "Ethnic Ethiopians" is unknown today, they are estimated to be at least 15% of the nation but could potentially reach up to 35% of the population of the country. "Ethnic Ethiopians" live in every region of the country but they are most densely found in the urban areas and in the thousands of rural market towns of the country due to historical migration, commercial integration and military events like conquests between and among southerners like Sidamas, Gurages, Oromos as well as northerners. In places like Dire Dawa, Awassa, Addis Ababa and Wollo, most people refer to themselves as mixed. But the current system in the country denies their basic rights and actively discourages their self-identification.

According to the last census in Ethiopia, “Ethnic Oromos” were 34%, “Ethnic Amharas” were 26% and “Ethnic Somalis” were around 6%, thus making “Ethnic Ethiopians” part of the top Four ethnic groups in the country if they were counted. Higher estimates would, however, suggest that "Ethnic Ethiopians" could be the largest ethnic group in the country today. But none of us are counted as Ethnic Ethiopians and many are persecuted or discouraged. Many of my friends, relatives and family living in Ethiopia who are mixed are currently registered only as Oromo or as Amhara etc. I myself have been forced to choose only my Oromo side during my registration because of my father and by taking the highest percentage (%) of my identity. So, being forced to play mathematical games with our mixed identity, our history, our blood and with our heritage, all of us Ethnic Ethiopians are slowly being literally wiped out from the face of this earth on papers and on records. Thus, we can only remind ourselves of the dangerous consequence of such events historically, since we know that denial and annihilation of people’s identity have often facilitated the criminal justifications of the likes of Hitler’s NAZI Germany and other genocidal groups.

It is thus important for Ethnic Ethiopians to stand up for their rights before it is too late. Though United Nations (UN) allows for the secession and self-determination of ethnic groups, it is highly unlikely that the Ethiopian constitution will allow such option since even majority of American and European countries do not recognize the right to self-determination through secession in their constitutions for ethnic groups. Last week, even the United States (US) former Ambassador David Shinn told Al Jazeera TV station that "Total independence is infeasible" or impossible for ethnic-based regions inside Ethiopia. Another obstacle to the self-determination up to secession of the mixed or "Ethnic Ethiopians" comes from the fact that several territories in every new regions (like the so-called "Ogaden," "Oromia," "Amhara," "Tigray" etc) belong to "Ethnic Ethiopian" people since we are ethnically mixed people and the lands in almost every region belong to our ancestors. Thus Ethnic-Ethiopians in and outside the country have only the option to seek self-rule, and that is by struggling for recognition and protection of their national rights vis-à-vis “traditional” ethnic groups of the country like “Ethnic Oromos,” “Ethnic Amharas” etc. But Without a movement or struggle to achieve the objectives, Ethnic Ethiopians will fail to protect their heritages and their identity in this dangerous time of conflict and maneuvering between one-ethnic groups in every corner of the horn of Africa.

Cooperation between Ethnic Ethiopians and other Ethnic groups

During the last four years, some multi-national political parties like the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) have appeared to stand up for the rights of all Ethiopians and for all ethnic groups, including for "Ethnic Ethiopians." But it has not materialised and the CUD has failed to be inclusive. The accusations that groups like CUD favor the Amhara ethnic group were displayed in 2008 during parliament discussions. Most of us remember that important TV debate. In December of last year, the CUD parliamentarians suddenly accused and rejected the government's 2007 census because the census supposedly underestimated the Amhara population number. In this debate, the CUD parliamentarians stood up only for Amharas and they did not stand up for the rights of other ethnic groups in the census. That significant event showed to us that self-declared multi-national groups like CUD suffer from bias and in fact, they have hidden allegiance to ethnic Amhara people. Such incidents showed that there is no political group today that is honestly advocating for all Ethiopians, including Ethnic Ethiopians. In order for Ethnic Ethiopians to protect their rights, heritages and history in the horn of Africa, they must struggle for democracy, equal rights and develop new grassroots movements. The pre-existing movements like CUD, OLF, TPLF and others share some of our general concerns in principle, but they do not share the specific dangers "Ethnic Ethiopians" are facing on the ground today. Ethnic Ethiopians should respect the struggles of OLF, CUD, TPLF, ONLF and all political groups in Ethiopia if they hope to get their struggle respected in return. In fact, it is easier for mixed Ethiopians or Ethnic Ethiopians to understand the concerns of many political parties in the region because they share ancestral and blood relations with every group in the horn of Africa. Therefore, cooperation with other forces in the region will be a vital part of the long-term solution to our problems. Nonetheless, the final solution for the current marginalization of "Ethnic Ethiopians" will never come unless political groups and organizations led by Ethnic Ethiopians develop collective self-identification for self-protection and begin to struggle for their just cause for recognition, representation and fundamental human rights as one united people.

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* The Author of this article can be contacted at Boragomt [at] yahoo.com. The views expressed in this article do not represent the views of Jimma Times. To send articles to JT, contact us for more details